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Citations

Section 2

• ASaunders, F. S. (2013). The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters. The New Press. “The Gulag Archipelago became a cornerstone of Solzhenitsyn’s anti-Soviet image. The work was foundational in exposing the realities of the Soviet labor camps to the world, even though it contained inaccuracies and exaggerations due to reliance on unverifiable anecdotes and limited sources.” p. 273

• Andén, L. (2021). Literary testimonies and fictional experiences: Gulag literature between fact and fiction. Studia Phaenomenologica, 21, 197–223. “The term ‘Gulag’ is an acronym for Glavnoe Upravlenie Lagerei, or Main Administration of Camps… With Solzhenitsyn’s publication of The Gulag Archipelago, the word ‘Gulag’ came to be used in an even broader sense, encompassing the entire period of Soviet repression from December 1917 until the fall of the Soviet Union.” p. 200

• Bacon, E. (1996). The Gulag at War: Stalin’s Forced Labour System in the Light of the Archives. Palgrave Macmillan UK. “His accounts, though emotionally powerful, are unverifiable in many aspects due to the lack of consistent, documented data.” p. 6

• Bacon, E. (1996). The Gulag at War: Stalin’s Forced Labour System in the Light of the Archives. Palgrave Macmillan UK. “Memoirs concentrate, by their very nature, on individual experiences. If accepted as trustworthy, such narratives reveal the treatment of a given individual at a given time in a given camp. Their historical value is limited in so far as individuals, especially prisoners writing of their captors and captivity, cannot also be objective in their assessments of historical circumstances in which they were themselves involved.” p. 8

• Bacon, E. (1996). The Gulag at War: Stalin’s Forced Labour System in the Light of the Archives. Palgrave Macmillan UK. “From the historiographical point of view, memoirs, including those of Solzhenitsyn, reflect the tension between personal experience and objective data.” p. 6

• Andén, L. (2021). Literary testimonies and fictional experiences: Gulag literature between fact and fiction. Studia Phaenomenologica, 21, 197–223. “For a long time, memoirs were almost the only documentation we had about the Gulag system, due to the secrecy surrounding it… While Holocaust survivors testified about an experience that could be verified through evidence and documentation, the Gulag memoirs… bore witness to a universe of concentration camps to which there was little proof, and even less possible verification.” pp. 197–198

• Andén, L. (2021). Literary testimonies and fictional experiences: Gulag literature between fact and fiction. Studia Phaenomenologica, 21, 197–223. “Their testimonies… bear witness to the vulnerability of testifying to a reality that, on the one hand, was at the time not yet publicly accepted, and, on the other, refers to a system of repression that was still ongoing and effective.” p. 197

• Bacon, E. (1996). The Gulag at War: Stalin’s Forced Labour System in the Light of the Archives. Palgrave Macmillan UK. “For decades, the details of the Soviet forced labour system have been hidden by state secrecy… Even such fundamentals as the number of prisoners in the Gulag… have been the subject of monumental historical detective work, with attendant controversy.” p. 1

• Bacon, E. (1996). The Gulag at War: Stalin’s Forced Labour System in the Light of the Archives. Palgrave Macmillan UK. “Without the records kept by those who ran the forced labour camps themselves—which remained locked in the Moscow archives—scraps of evidence from all manner of diverse sources were used to build up a coherent picture of the Gulag system.” p. 1

• Bacon, E. (1996). The Gulag at War: Stalin’s Forced Labour System in the Light of the Archives. Palgrave Macmillan UK. “Accounts have been supplemented with diverse, tangentially relevant, officially sanctioned Soviet publications, from which historians could attempt to deduce further conclusions about the nature of forced labour in the USSR.” p. ix

• Bacon, E. (1996). The Gulag at War: Stalin’s Forced Labour System in the Light of the Archives. Palgrave Macmillan UK. “It was argued that the use of memoirs resulted in a one-sided history restricted in scope… Using such information, it may have been possible to reach reliable conclusions with regard to the nature of the forced labour experience, but the systemic questions of extent, economic significance, organisational methods, political control, and ideological foundation all remained subject to conjecture.” p. 8

• Nakonechnyi, O. (2020). Factory of Invalids: Mortality and Medical Releases in the GULAG, 1930-1955 (Doctoral dissertation). University of Oxford. “Eleven years later, he [Conquest] published another monograph… Using the same imprecise methodology… Conquest asserted that… ‘Kolyma cost 3,000,000 lives.’” pp. 18–19

• Nakonechnyi, O. (2020). Factory of Invalids: Mortality and Medical Releases in the GULAG, 1930-1955 (Doctoral dissertation). University of Oxford. “Importantly, Conquest was the first in the Western academia who invoked the probability of the ‘release-to-die’ policy… although he did not have any archival evidence to support his assertion.” pp. 24–25

• Nakonechnyi, O. (2020). Factory of Invalids: Mortality and Medical Releases in the GULAG, 1930-1955 (Doctoral dissertation). University of Oxford. “No ‘extermination agenda’ was ever found. On the contrary, the GULAG had a surprisingly sophisticated medical infrastructure… central administration in Moscow bombarded the periphery with seemingly categorical orders to lower mortality rates, improve medical care and even punish camp personnel… for high rates of mortality.” p. 21

• Nakonechnyi, O. (2020). Factory of Invalids: Mortality and Medical Releases in the GULAG, 1930-1955 (Doctoral dissertation). University of Oxford. “This new empirical data conclusively proves the ubiquity of ex–inmates’ fatalities after release… Its sheer magnitude, in conjunction with persistence over time, made it an indispensable addition to the GULAG death toll and all future scholarly discussions on the subject.” p. 348

• Nakonechnyi, O. (2020). Factory of Invalids: Mortality and Medical Releases in the GULAG, 1930-1955 (Doctoral dissertation). University of Oxford. “Simply put, the higher the reported death rate soared in these catastrophic periods… the larger the number of invalids released ahead of schedule.” p. 347

• Nakonechnyi, O. (2020). Factory of Invalids: Mortality and Medical Releases in the GULAG, 1930-1955 (Doctoral dissertation). University of Oxford. “The present project for the first time introduced annual fluctuations in medical releases as compared to registered mortality oscillations… offering a more nuanced understanding of the GULAG’s human cost.” p. 347  Wheatcroft, S. (1996). The scale and nature of German and Soviet repression and mass killings, 1930-45. Europe-Asia Studies, 48(8), 1319-1353. DOI: 10.1080/09668139608412392. http://www.jstor.org/stable/152781 “The leading Russian specialists in this area, Oleg Khlevnyuk, Viktor Zemskov and Arsenii Roginsky, when independently consulted on this issue, all agreed that the official figures for executions might require some correction from 800 000 to possibly 1 million. None of them were prepared to accept the 1.5 million figure currently being advocated by Conquest.” p. 1351

• Saunders, F. S. (2013). The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters. The New Press. “During the height of the Cold War, the U.S. government committed vast resources to a secret program of cultural propaganda in Western Europe… The centerpiece of this covert campaign was the Congress for Cultural Freedom, run by CIA agent Michael Josselson from 1950 until 1967… Its mission was to nudge the intelligentsia of Western Europe away from its lingering fascination with Marxism and Communism towards a view more accommodating of ‘the American way.’” pp. 1–2

• Saunders, F. S. (2013). The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters. The New Press. “The CIA owned airlines, radio stations, newspapers, insurance companies, and real estate, and its role in world affairs grew so prodigiously over the decades that people began to suspect its presence behind every thicket.” p. 28

• Saunders, F. S. (2013). The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters. The New Press. “The CIA’s cultural interventions were designed to bolster the West’s ideological dominance. Through the Congress for Cultural Freedom, the Agency ensured that works like Solzhenitsyn’s The Gulag Archipelago were disseminated in multiple languages, ensuring its place as a cornerstone of Cold War rhetoric.” p. 273

• Tołczyk, D. (2023). Blissful Blindness: Soviet Crimes Under Western Eyes (J. Garliński, Trans.). Indiana University Press. “The Congress for Cultural Freedom was the first large-scale attempt to energize Western intellectuals in order to stem Soviet propaganda’s influence on cultural, intellectual, artistic, and media life in the West… The Congress was officially funded by the American Federation of Labor, but in reality, the money came from the CIA, though very few of the participants in the Congress were aware of this fact.” p. 269

• Tołczyk, D. (2023). Blissful Blindness: Soviet Crimes Under Western Eyes (J. Garliński, Trans.). Indiana University Press. “The Congress managed to assemble a great many top-tier figures from various circles of the Western intellectual elite… Among the organizers were the writer Arthur Koestler, the former member of the leadership of the Italian Communist Party Ignazio Silone, as well as the American Sidney Hook…” p. 270

• Saunders, F. S. (2013). The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters. The New Press. “Defining the Cold War as a ‘battle for men’s minds,’ it stockpiled a vast arsenal of cultural weapons: journals, books, conferences, seminars, art exhibitions, concerts, awards.” p. 15

• Saunders, F. S. (2013). The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters. The New Press. “Whether they liked it or not, whether they knew it or not, there were few writers, poets, artists, historians, scientists, or critics in postwar Europe whose names were not in some way linked to this covert enterprise.” pp. 1–2

• Saunders, F. S. (2013). The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters. The New Press. “America’s spying establishment operated a sophisticated, substantially endowed cultural front in the West, for the West, in the name of freedom of expression.” p. 15

90. Solzhenitsyn, A. (1973). The Gulag Archipelago, Volume 2: An Experiment in Literary Investigation (B. Willetts, & T. Whitney, Trans.). Vintage Classics. “According to the estimates of émigré Professor of Statistics Kurganov, this ‘comparatively easy’ internal repression cost us, from the beginning of the October Revolution up to 1959, a total of…sixty-six million—66,000,000—lives.” p. 20

Section 3

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Solzhenitsyn does not advocate a multiparty parliamentary system for Russia. Rather, he seeks an ‘extraparty’ or ‘nonparty’ system where a consensus regarding the common good transcends partisanship. On this point he differs with Andrei Sakharov.” p. 45.

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Democracy, besides being inappropriate for the Russian tradition, is also dismissed on practical grounds. War between various nationalities might result from the establishment of Western-style freedoms in Russia. Notice, Solzhenitsyn speaks of Russia’s salvation and Russia’s virtues. He advocates a ‘Russia first’ policy in an increasingly interdependent world. But to Solzhenitsyn, this display of nationalism is justified by the fact that the Russian people have suffered more than anyone else. Since their agony has been most intense, he argues, Russians are excused for placing their national welfare above that of any other group.” p. 54.

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “The obsession with political freedom—voting rights, ability to form parties, freedom of expression—is harmful to the extent it distracts men from the central task: committing oneself against the Big Lie, regardless of the consequences.” p. 46.

• Townley, D. A. (1998). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in American historiography: A Christian critic and his secular audience (Master’s thesis). University of Windsor. “Solzhenitsyn was profoundly distrustful of Western democracy, seeing it as flawed in both its moral and political underpinnings. In his speeches and writings, he criticized the West for its ‘spiritual exhaustion’ and emphasized the need for a return to a more spiritually grounded form of governance.” p. 45.

• Townley, D. A. (1998). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in American historiography: A Christian critic and his secular audience (Master’s thesis). University of Windsor. “In particular, he argued that the Western concept of democracy, with its emphasis on individual rights and freedoms, had devolved into a system of moral relativism and decadence, far removed from the strong moral leadership he believed was essential.” p. 46.

• Townley, D. A. (1998). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in American historiography: A Christian critic and his secular audience (Master’s thesis). University of Windsor. “Democracy, in Solzhenitsyn’s view, was nothing more than a facade behind which lurked a dangerous tendency towards chaos and dissolution. He saw no future in the kind of democracy promoted by the West, insisting instead on the need for a return to ‘moral authority’ and religious guidance.” p. 47.

• Townley, D. A. (1998). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in American historiography: A Christian critic and his secular audience (Master’s thesis). University of Windsor. “He frequently compared the failings of Western democracy with the supposed strength and virtue of Russian authoritarianism, often arguing that the latter, though flawed, at least maintained a semblance of order and morality.” p. 48.

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Authoritarianism is also quickly accepted. Democracies are rare, authoritarianism the historical rule. Ideology and the Big Lie, not authoritarianism, are the real villains.” p. 57.

• Townley, D. A. (1998). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in American historiography: A Christian critic and his secular audience (Master’s thesis). University of Windsor. “The hierarchical structure of society that Solzhenitsyn admired was one that placed religious and moral leaders at the top, ensuring that the state was guided by principles he considered eternal and unchanging.” p. 54.

• Townley, D. A. (1998). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in American historiography: A Christian critic and his secular audience (Master’s thesis). University of Windsor. “Solzhenitsyn’s critiques of egalitarianism, which he saw as a destabilizing force, were another key feature of his quasi-fascist leanings, as he frequently argued that not all people were fit to rule or even participate in the governance of a nation.” p. 55.

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Russia need not adopt a democratic or parliamentary system, Solzhenitsyn argues. Democracies have been historically rare and short-lived. Russia has at times thrived under authoritarianism, he notes.” p. 54.

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Distancing himself from much that the West holds so dear, Solzhenitsyn places himself squarely in the 19th century Russophile (not Slavophile) tradition.” p. 54.

• Townley, D. A. (1998). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in American historiography: A Christian critic and his secular audience (Master’s thesis). University of Windsor. “His admiration for Tsarist Russia, coupled with his deep reverence for the Orthodox Church, revealed a clear preference for a hierarchical, authoritarian society.” p. 60.

• Townley, D. A. (1998). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in American historiography: A Christian critic and his secular audience (Master’s thesis). University of Windsor. “Solzhenitsyn lamented the fall of the Tsarist regime and frequently attributed the moral decay of Russia to its abandonment of religious and monarchical values.” p. 61.

• Townley, D. A. (1998). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in American historiography: A Christian critic and his secular audience (Master’s thesis). University of Windsor. “For Solzhenitsyn, the Tsarist era represented a time when Russia was guided by both divine and temporal authority, which he believed was essential for maintaining the moral fabric of society.” p. 62.

Section 4

• Spechler, D. R. (1983). Russian Nationalism and Political Stability in the USSR (Report No. C/83-4). Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “Solzhenitsyn’s 1974 Letter to the Soviet Leaders, which expressed grave concern for the fate of the Russian people and urged that minority groups be allowed to secede from the USSR, was probably a primary cause of the author’s expulsion from the country in that year.” p. 5–6.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2017). Two Hundred Years Together (D. & D. Davison, Trans.). “Russia now agonizes under the power of Jewish dictatorship and Jewish terror. The Bolshevik Revolution, which many in Russia viewed as a Jewish-led effort, had placed the Jewish element in positions of immense power, enforcing policies that were seen as destructive to the fabric of Russian society. This perceived dictatorship was not only political but cultural, as Jewish influence spread into key institutions, and terror, in the form of arrests, executions, and forced labor, was attributed to this Jewish domination. The suffering endured by millions is now linked in the popular imagination to the Jewish leaders who have come to symbolize this era of repression.” p. 512.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2017). Two Hundred Years Together (D. & D. Davison, Trans.). “The Jews formed a significant detachment, creators of the world of capital—and mainly in its financial forms. In the first years of the Revolution, this was attributed to the Jews as an inevitable formation on the road to socialism. However, this ‘Jewish dictatorship,’ which grew in power, terrorized much of the Russian populace, contributing to the anti-Semitic view that they were the central figures behind the revolution.” p. 361.

Solzhenitsyn, A. (2017). Two Hundred Years Together (D. & D. Davison, Trans.). “The old view, that anti-Semitism resides not in the people but in Tsarism, began to transform into another, that the Russian people are themselves its carriers.” p. 510.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2017). Two Hundred Years Together (D. & D. Davison, Trans.). “Attempts to Russify or, more exactly, to impose the Russian‐Russian model on Russia have had a disastrous effect on living national peculiarities, not only of all the non‐sovereign peoples of the Empire, but also and above all of the people of Great‐Russia.” p. 368.

Solzhenitsyn, A. (2017). Two Hundred Years Together (D. & D. Davison, Trans.). “Even with or in spite of the complete absence of legal restrictions on Jews, anti-Semitism has erupted with a new strength and reached a pitch that could never have been imagined in the old regime.” p. 546.

• Kriza, E. (2014). Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist: A Study of His Western Reception. Ibidem Press. “A new assessment of liberal comments on Solzhenitsyn in the 1970s reveals a less acrimonious, and in fact, mainly benevolent reception.” p. 120.

Spechler, D. R. (1983). Russian Nationalism and Political Stability in the USSR (Report No. C/83-4). Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “Valerii Skurlatov, a high official in the Moscow Komsomol organization, distributed among activists in the Central Committee and Moscow City Committee of the Komsomol a document entitled Rules of Morality. Glorifying ‘the Russian race,’ this document spoke of ‘the cosmic mission of the Russian people’ and Russians’ ‘duty to [their] ancestors’ to preserve their racial purity.” p. 6.

• Kriza, E. (2014). Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist: A Study of His Western Reception. Ibidem Press. “Once in France, Sinyavsky originally supported Solzhenitsyn, but later expressed his disappointment at Solzhenitsyn’s nationalist claims and his association with famous anti-Semites such as Igor Shafarevich.” p. 131–132.

Spechler, D. R. (1983). Russian Nationalism and Political Stability in the USSR (Report No. C/83-4). Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “Some Russian nationalists, for example, oppose Russian settlement outside the RSFSR on the grounds that the dispersion of the Russian people will lead to its disintegration and ultimate extinction as a distinct ethnic group.” p. 29–30.

• Kriza, E. (2014). Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist: A Study of His Western Reception. Ibidem Press. “If scholars continue to write that the author’s Cold War reception was negative—for whatever reason—they are in turn creating an image that lastingly affects the perception of his work.” p. 120.

Spechler, D. R. (1983). Russian Nationalism and Political Stability in the USSR (Report No. C/83-4). Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “Equally provocative to the non-Russian nationalities of the USSR are Russian nationalist paeans to the greatness of the Russian people, their ‘healthy’ civilization, and their superior national spirit or soul, some of which have likewise appeared in the official press.” p. 18.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2017). Two Hundred Years Together (D. & D. Davison, Trans.). “When in 1920, Solomon Luria, a professor of ancient history in Petrograd, found that in Soviet, internationalist, and communist Russia anti-Semitism was again on the rise, he was not surprised. On the contrary, ‘events substantiated the correctness of [his] earlier conclusions’ that the ‘cause of anti-Semitism lies with the Jews themselves.’” p. 546.

Spechler, D. R. (1983). Russian Nationalism and Political Stability in the USSR (Report No. C/83-4). Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “References to Russia as the ‘first among equals’ among the nations of the USSR are becoming more and more frequent in the mass media.” p. 18.

• Spechler, D. R. (1983). Russian Nationalism and Political Stability in the USSR (Report No. C/83-4). Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “The resurgence of Russian nationalism began in the mid-1960s and was manifested almost immediately on four different levels: underground, in legal literature and scholarship, among political elites, and in organizations with official patronage.” p. 4.

• Spechler, D. R. (1983). Russian Nationalism and Political Stability in the USSR (Report No. C/83-4). Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “In 1965, the art historian and novelist Vladimir Soloukhin began to publish a seminal series of literary works glorifying religious and cultural aspects of the pre-revolutionary Russian past. Soloukhin’s most famous and influential work, ‘Letters From the Russian Museum,’ was published in the literary journal Molodaia Gvardiia in 1966, and this journal soon became the principal mouthpiece of Russian nationalist sentiment.” p. 4.

• Spechler, D. R. (1983). Russian Nationalism and Political Stability in the USSR (Report No. C/83-4). Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “Solzhenitsyn’s first work with a clearly nationalist message was addressed not to opponents of the regime, but to the Soviet leadership itself, and its plea for more investment in the areas settled by Russians may, in fact, have had an impact on official policy.” p. 10.

• Spechler, D. R. (1983). Russian Nationalism and Political Stability in the USSR (Report No. C/83-4). Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “Molodaia Gvardiia… regularly print[s] works with Russian nationalist themes.” p. 6.

• Kriza, E. (2014). Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist: A Study of His Western Reception. Ibidem Press. “A new assessment of liberal comments on Solzhenitsyn in the 1970s reveals a less acrimonious, and in fact, mainly benevolent reception.” p. 120.

• Kriza, E. (2014). Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist: A Study of His Western Reception. Ibidem Press. “In 1985, historian Robert Conquest writes that the liberal British media staged an orchestrated attack on the dissident writer in the 1970s.” p. 111.

• Spechler, D. R. (1983). Russian Nationalism and Political Stability in the USSR (Report No. C/83-4). Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “Solzhenitsyn’s 1974 Letter to the Soviet Leaders, which expressed grave concern for the fate of the Russian people and urged that minority groups be allowed to secede from the USSR, was probably a primary cause of the author’s expulsion from the country in that year.” p. 5–6.

• Kriza, E. (2014). Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist: A Study of His Western Reception. Ibidem Press. “Thus, while liberals see Solzhenitsyn as calling up an offensive ‘holy war’ against the USSR, conservatives see him summoning the West to defend itself against ongoing and increasing communist expansionism.” p. 118.

• Kriza, E. (2014). Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist: A Study of His Western Reception. Ibidem Press. “Malia presents the position of the European Left ‘on the whole’ as considering Gulag ‘an embarrassment’ that requires ‘discrediting.’” p. 118.

• Kriza, E. (2014). Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist: A Study of His Western Reception. Ibidem Press. “Once in France, Sinyavsky originally supported Solzhenitsyn, but later expressed his disappointment at Solzhenitsyn’s nationalist claims and his association with famous anti-Semites such as Igor Shafarevich.” p. 131–132.

• Kriza, E. (2014). Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist: A Study of His Western Reception. Ibidem Press. “If scholars continue to write that the author’s Cold War reception was negative—for whatever reason—they are in turn creating an image that lastingly affects the perception of his work.” p. 120.

Section 5

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and Unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “In One Day, prison conditions are often better than life ‘outside.’ In prison, one can say things that are forbidden in ‘freedom.’” (p. 34).

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and Unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Ivan Denisovich had been in prison for so long that ‘he didn’t know any longer himself whether he wanted freedom or not.’ Constant pressure for conformity thus produces mass apathy, enslaving men’s energies and minds.” (p. 34).

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and Unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Frequently praised, selectively read, Alexander Solzhenitsyn remains an enigma to many Westerners. Self-styled conservatives hail him as a symbol of freedom. Fashionable liberals view him merely as an anachronism or a primitive reactionary. Without doubt, the West has tended to suppress those political ideas of Solzhenitsyn deemed embarrassing to conventional thought. Thus have his political views been dismissed as the rantings of an unbalanced anti-communist or as the nostrums of a gifted author but naive political analyst.” (p. 25).

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and Unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Since you are already called revisionists by the Chinese, Solzhenitsyn writes, abandon your burdensome ideology. He does not necessarily ask the Politburo to relinquish power, for it is ideology and not authority which has tormented the Russian people. Russia should also grant genuine self-determination to the Eastern bloc states, the scattered nationalities, and should cease striving for illusory diplomatic gains. Obscure wars of national liberation are irrelevant to Russia’s real needs, he believes.” (pp. 52–53).

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and Unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Solzhenitsyn does not call for a revolution against Soviet tyranny. He embraces no ideology. He does not want to add yet another ‘ism’ to the growing list. Within societies, however, the problem of change must be handled at an individual level. Each man must look within himself, establish his values, and resist dehumanization. Introspection, not revolution, is the sane course, Solzhenitsyn believes. It does not guarantee bliss, but the history of most revolutions is a tale of shattered hopes. Some values, and not just any values, must underly change. These values may be found, not through mobilizing the masses, but through individual contemplation.” (p. 42).

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and Unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “It is no coincidence to Solzhenitsyn that the world’s largest police state claims Marxism as its foundation. Forget all the talk about ‘Marxism with a human face,’ Solzhenitsyn urges, for no such thing exists.” (p. 29).

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and Unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “The roots of the Gulag are easily traced back to Marx, Solzhenitsyn argues. For example, in his Critique of the Gotha Programme, Marx concludes that under the proletarian dictatorship (Marx’s phrase), prisoners should not be deprived ‘of their only means of improvement, productive labor.’ This same rationale was later used by Soviet authorities to establish slave labor camps in Siberia and the Arctic Circle.” (p. 29).

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and Unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Like the Christian theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, Solzhenitsyn argues that evil is not distributed along class lines. Again in Cancer Ward, Kostoglotov tells a young communist that ‘there were greedy people before the bourgeoisie and there’ll be greedy people after the bourgeoisie.’” (p. 27).

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and Unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Perhaps Solzhenitsyn was never really a ‘loyal and patriotic Soviet citizen’ but rather used each successive literary work to test the water, to see how much he could get by with. With each work, he perhaps felt less compelled to mask his true beliefs. With One Day, he learns that he may express oblique criticisms. With Cancer Ward, he ventures some near-heresies. The Gulag Archipelago represents the final blasphemy which has been fermenting for many years but which only now finds open expression. Thus, while Petrov may have been correct in 1962, insights offered by The Gulag Archipelago undermine his view.” (p. 37–38).

• Quinley, K. M. (1977). Discord and Unity: Soviet dissident thought (Master’s thesis). College of William & Mary. “Solzhenitsyn does not view the Soviet problem in historical isolation. Rather, he sees the Soviet tragedy as one manifestation of a larger and more pernicious force which shapes our age.” (pp. 37–38).

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2008). The Gulag Archipelago. Harper Perennial Modern Classics. “Ksenia Gay’s prediction was soon borne out, as Shkuro’s men were driven out by the Reds and revenge executions took place. Again the Shcherbaks were unharmed. And it seemed a miracle, a sign of grace, when Taissia gave birth, on 11 December, to a son. At the church of St. Panteleimon, high on the hill, he was christened Alexander: a name of rich assertiveness in both military glory and poetry. His godmother was Jewish, a woman by the name of Maria Kremer. Instead of the slightly clumsy true patronymic, Isaakievich, Taissia chose the softer ‘Isayevich.’ And she called him ‘Sanya,’ like his father.” p. 32.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2008). The Gulag Archipelago. Harper Perennial Modern Classics. “1941 Solzhenitsyn graduates from the Department of Physics and Mathematics, Rostov University.” p. xviv.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2008). The Gulag Archipelago. Harper Perennial Modern Classics. “22 June: Germany invades Soviet Union. After serving as a village schoolteacher, he enlists as a private in the Red Army.” p. xviv.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2008). The Gulag Archipelago. Harper Perennial Modern Classics. “February: Solzhenitsyn arrested for expressing anti-Stalinist views and removed from his battery command in a village east of Konigsberg. Transferred to Lubyanka prison in Moscow; Solzhenitsyn’s reception and interrogation there are described in his novel The First Circle. Moved to Butyrki prison.” p. xx.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2008). The Gulag Archipelago. Harper Perennial Modern Classics. “July: Sentenced to eight years’ imprisonment. Transferred to New Jerusalem, where he works in the clay pit of a brick factory; then to Kaluga Gate prison.” p. xx.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2008). The Gulag Archipelago. Harper Perennial Modern Classics. “1950 Solzhenitsyn is sent to the Ekibastuz labor camp in Kazakhstan.” p. xx.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2008). The Gulag Archipelago. Harper Perennial Modern Classics. “1953 Solzhenitsyn released, exiled to Kok Terek in southern Kazakhstan. Begins teaching at Berlik High School.” p. xx.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2008). The Gulag Archipelago. Harper Perennial Modern Classics. “1951 Works as a bricklayer in Ekibastuz. Natasha, in Ryazan, files for divorce.” p. xx.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (2008). The Gulag Archipelago. Harper Perennial Modern Classics. “In 1974, Solzhenitsyn was expelled from the Soviet Union for his writings, including The Gulag Archipelago.” p. xx.

Section 6

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (1978). A World Split Apart: Commencement Address Delivered at Harvard University. “A decline in courage may be the most striking feature that an outside observer notices in the West today.” p. 2.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (1978). A World Split Apart: Commencement Address Delivered at Harvard University. “It is feasible and easy everywhere to undermine administrative power and it has in fact been drastically weakened in all Western countries.” p. 4.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (1978). A World Split Apart: Commencement Address Delivered at Harvard University. “Today, well-being in the life of Western society has begun to take off its pernicious mask.” p. 3.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (1978). A World Split Apart: Commencement Address Delivered at Harvard University. “Even biology tells us that a high degree of habitual well-being is not advantageous to a living organism.” p. 3.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (1978). A World Split Apart: Commencement Address Delivered at Harvard University. “The turn introduced by the Renaissance was probably inevitable historically… an intolerable despotic repression of man’s physical nature in favor of the spiritual one.” p. 8.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (1978). A World Split Apart: Commencement Address Delivered at Harvard University. “As humanism in its development was becoming more and more materialistic, it also increasingly allowed concepts to be used first by socialism and then by communism.” p. 8.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (1991). Rebuilding Russia: Reflections and Tentative Proposals. “Land embodies moral as well as economic values for human beings.” p. 30.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (1991). Rebuilding Russia: Reflections and Tentative Proposals. “The anonymous speculators of our ‘shadow economy’ have gained in free-wheeling adroitness and accumulated their initial capital.” p. 32.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (1991). Rebuilding Russia: Reflections and Tentative Proposals. “Parties, together with any other independent groups, have the right to nominate candidates for election to public office… but the vote must be for specific individuals, not parties.” p. 81.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (1991). Rebuilding Russia: Reflections and Tentative Proposals. “The bulk of the population did not really focus its attention on the elections and parties of the time.” p. 73.

• Solzhenitsyn, A. (1975). The Gulag Archipelago Volume 1: An Experiment in Literary Investigation. “Arrest! Need it be said that it is a breaking point in your life… a spiritual earthquake.” p. 3.

Unorganized:
https://www.workers.org/2018/11/39865/
https://summit.sfu.ca/item/8379
https://blog.nationalarchives.gov.uk/new-files-from-1983/
https://www.mountsinai.org/about/newsroom/2022/new-parents-risk-financial-burden-because-of-the-costs-of-pregnancy-and-delivery-study-finds
https://theconversation.com/france-has-a-long-history-of-using-islands-as-prisons-and-not-just-in-distant-colonial-outposts-23690
https://web.archive.org/web/20030403135807/http://www.army.mil/usapa/epubs/pdf/r210_35.pdf
https://www.nytimes.com/1974/02/06/archives/solzhenitsyns-exwife-says-gulag-is-folklore.html
https://www.nytimes.com/2003/06/06/world/natalya-reshetovskaya-84-is-dead-solzhenitsyn-s-wife-questioned-gulag.html
https://stars.library.ucf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1609&context=honorstheses
https://www.vice.com/en/article/how-the-cia-infiltrated-the-worlds-literature/
https://pshares.org/blog/the-cia-had-a-huge-role-in-shaping-mid-century-literature-an-interview-with-lara-prescott/
https://roape.net/2021/11/04/liberated-texts-the-power-of-books-as-propaganda/
https://www.midwesternmarx.com/articles/solzhenitsyn-the-rotten-legacy-of-a-fascist-by-nikos-mottas