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Citation List

Section 2

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime: Racial Hoaxes, White Crime, Media Messages, Police Violence, and Other Race-Based Harms(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “The two main sources of statistical information on crime in the United States are the Uniform Crime Report (UCR) and the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS).” (p. 25)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Arrests are not an accurate measure of crime levels, but of police activity.” (p. 134)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Arrests reflect the decisions of police departments to focus their efforts in certain areas rather than reflecting crime patterns.” (p. 134)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto: The Invention of a Place, the History of an Idea. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Racial scapegoating often finds fertile ground in online communities and far-right spaces, where distorted crime statistics are used to justify oppressive policies.” (Preface)

• Ortiz, P. (2018).An African American and Latinx History of the United States. Beacon Press. “Black criminality has long been a focus of media coverage in the United States, with little attention paid to White crime.” (p. 32)

• Ortiz, P. (2018).An African American and Latinx History of the United States. Beacon Press. “For centuries, criminality was linked to race, reinforcing societal norms and maintaining racial hierarchies.” (p. 34)

Section 3

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “The increased surveillance of Black neighborhoods inflates arrest data, perpetuating the false narrative that these communities are inherently more criminal.” (p. 9)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “In 2019, Black people made up 26% of all drug arrests despite being 13% of the population.” (p. 27)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Despite similar rates of drug use, Black Americans are disproportionately targeted for arrest.” (p. 135)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Communities of color face constant surveillance, whereas White neighborhoods are rarely policed for minor drug offenses.” (p. 136)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto: The Invention of a Place, the History of an Idea. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “White Americans often use drugs in less-policed, wealthier areas, allowing them to escape the scrutiny faced by Black communities.” (p. 33)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “Black people are four times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession than White people, despite similar rates of use.” (p. 28)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “88% of those convicted for crack-related offenses are Black, even though more than half of users are White.” (p. 29)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto: The Invention of a Place, the History of an Idea. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Broken windows policing disproportionately affects Black neighborhoods, focusing on minor infractions to justify a heavy police presence.” (Preface)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Broken windows policies rarely apply to wealthier, Whiter areas, even when similar crimes occur.” (p. 15)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “Black Codes were a continuation of slavery, criminalizing Black Americans to perpetuate racial control.” (p. 25)

• Ortiz, P. (2018).An African American and Latinx History of the United States. Beacon Press. “Jim Crow laws reinforced segregation, treating Black communities as zones of criminality.” (p. 34)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “COINTELPRO’s mission was to dismantle Black political activism, portraying it as inherently criminal.” (p. 56)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Modern Black movements like Black Lives Matter are still treated as threats by law enforcement, echoing COINTELPRO’s tactics.” (p. 57)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “The War on Drugs was not just a policy—it was a tool for controlling Black communities.” (p. 79)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “The Southern Strategy used coded language about crime to appeal to White voters and further criminalize Black Americans.” (p. 64)

• Ortiz, P. (2018).An African American and Latinx History of the United States. Beacon Press. “Nixon’s Southern Strategy framed Black communities as inherently criminal, leading to harsh policies that targeted them disproportionately.” (p. 40)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Reagan’s War on Drugs ramped up the criminalization of Black Americans, disproportionately targeting them for drug offenses.” (p. 68)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “The 100-to-1 sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine was designed to criminalize Black Americans more harshly.” (p. 80)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Crack cocaine laws disproportionately targeted Black communities, leading to mass incarceration.” (p. 135)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “Adultification bias leads to Black children being perceived as older and less innocent than White children, resulting in harsher punishment.” (p. 82)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “Black children are often punished more severely in schools for behaviors that are overlooked in White students.” (p. 93)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “The school-to-prison pipeline disproportionately funnels Black students into the juvenile justice system.” (p. 64)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Over 50% of Black students arrested in schools are under the age of 15, demonstrating how early this criminalization begins.” (p. 64)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “School-based arrests for minor infractions disproportionately affect Black students, feeding into the juvenile justice system.” (p. 64)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “Black boys are 18 times more likely to be sentenced as adults than their White counterparts for the same crimes.” (p. 82)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Black children are disproportionately tried as adults and sentenced to harsher penalties compared to White children.” (p. 65)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Once inside the juvenile justice system, Black children face longer sentences and harsher treatment.” (p. 64)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Black children with disabilities are often criminalized for behaviors related to their disabilities.” (p. 64)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Special-needs Black children are disproportionately disciplined and pushed into the school-to-prison pipeline.” (p. 64)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “Implicit bias is the unconscious association of Blackness with criminality, affecting police, judges, and juries.” (p. 79)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Police are more likely to stop, search, and arrest Black people, even when there is no evidence of criminal behavior.” (p. 66)

• Vitale, A. S. (2017).The End of Policing. Verso. “Studies show that police officers are more likely to shoot unarmed Black suspects than unarmed White suspects in simulations.” (p. 15)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “Black defendants are more likely to be convicted and receive longer sentences than White defendants for the same crimes.” (p. 78)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “Black inmates are less likely to be granted parole than their White counterparts, even when their offenses are identical.” (p. 79)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto: The Invention of a Place, the History of an Idea. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “From the 1960s onward, more money flowed into urban police departments to support an ever-more-determined War on Drugs. The number of black men from the ghetto in jail and prison rose dramatically.” (p. 232)

• Rios, V. M. (2011).Punished: Policing the Lives of Black and Latino Boys. NYU Press. “Teachers become like prison guards, monitoring potential threats and making sure students follow strict orders.” (p. 50)

• Rios, V. M. (2011).Punished: Policing the Lives of Black and Latino Boys. NYU Press. “Legal scholar Jonathan Simon argues that this punitive shift has resulted in a society that is governed through crime.” (p. 50)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press. “Once children are labeled as criminal, they often live up to the label, in part because of the way they are treated by teachers, law enforcement, and the society at large.” (p. 191)

• Rios, V. M. (2011).Punished: Policing the Lives of Black and Latino Boys. NYU Press. “Black children are 3.5 times more likely to be suspended from school than their white counterparts.” (p. 157)

• Ortiz, P. (2018).An African American and Latinx History of the United States. Beacon Press. “Mass incarceration rates for Black men skyrocketed under these policies, disproportionately affecting African American communities.” (p. 211)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “The architecture of schools, particularly in low-income Black neighborhoods, mirrors that of prisons, with metal detectors, surveillance cameras, and security officers.” (p. 225)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “Schools in poor Black neighborhoods have become pipelines to prison, where minor offenses result in criminal charges.” (p. 191)

• Rios, V. M. (2011).Punished: Policing the Lives of Black and Latino Boys. NYU Press. “Teachers often saw delinquent inner-city youths as criminals before they committed crimes, treating them as such.” (p. 50)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “Black youth are funneled into the criminal justice system based on stereotypes and criminal expectations.” (p. 191)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “In urban communities, Black children are routinely monitored by the police, reinforcing their criminalization from an early age.” (p. 192)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Police presence in Black communities increased significantly, leading to more arrests of children and further mistrust between communities and authorities.” (p. 199)

• Rios, V. M. (2011).Punished. NYU Press. “Over time, Black youth began to internalize the criminality projected onto them by the outside world.” (p. 15)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “Black children in schools and neighborhoods are subject to constant surveillance, shaping their future experiences with the justice system.” (p. 192)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Mass incarceration rates among Black men skyrocketed following the War on Drugs, with a focus on controlling and punishing marginalized populations.” (p. 232)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “Nixon’s declaration of the War on Drugs was the beginning of mass incarceration, a racial control tactic.” (p. 191)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Rockefeller drug laws disproportionately targeted Black communities, leading to massive increases in incarceration rates.” (p. 199)

• Ortiz, P. (2018).An African American and Latinx History of the United States. Beacon Press. “The mass incarceration of Black men intensified in the 1980s as harsher drug laws and racial profiling practices escalated.” (p. 211)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “In 1994, the Clinton administration enacted the most extensive anticrime bill in U.S. history, leading to more prison construction and police hires.” (p. 203)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “The expansion of prisons and the hiring of new police officers were measures designed to control Black bodies.” (p. 203)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Today, nearly 20 percent of Black men in their thirties have served time in prison.” (p. 232)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “60 percent of Black male high school dropouts have spent time in prison.” (p. 232)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Incarceration rates are concentrated in a small number of inner-city zip codes.” (p. 232)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Sentences for crimes involving crack cocaine were ten times longer than for powder cocaine, disproportionately affecting Black communities.” (p. 202)

• Ortiz, P. (2018).An African American and Latinx History of the United States. Beacon Press. “The deliberate targeting of Black men under these laws has led to mass incarceration.” (p. 211)

• Ortiz, P. (2018).An African American and Latinx History of the United States. Beacon Press. “Prisons have become economic engines, profiting off the incarceration of Black men.” (p. 211)

• McDowell, R., & Mason, M. (2020).'Slavery Has Not Been Abolished': How Prison Labor Fuels Hundreds of Popular Food Brands. Associated Press. “Some prisoners work on the same plantation soil where slaves harvested cotton, tobacco, and sugarcane more than 150 years ago, with some present-day images looking eerily similar to the past. [...] 'You can’t call it anything else,' [Calvin Thomas] said. 'It’s just slavery.'” https://www.fastcompany.com/90562099/slavery-has-not-been-abolished-how-prison-labor-fuels-hundreds-of-popular-food-brands

• Book, C. (2016).Support Prison Work Stoppage. Boulder Daily Camera. “Sprint and Verizon use prisoners to staff call centers. American Airlines and Avis car rentals use inmates to take reservations.” https://www.dailycamera.com/2016/09/25/christina-book-support-prison-work-stoppage/amp/

• Loe, M., & Chamberlin, M. (2021).Prisoners in the U.S. Make License Plates, Other Items. WWLTV. “The ACLU has raised concerns about the treatment of incarcerated workers, including low wages and potentially unsafe working conditions. Turner said many incarcerated workers, including those making license plates, are paid 'pennies per hour' and see 'only a fraction of those wages.'”  https://www.wwltv.com/article/news/verify/national-verify/incarcerated-workers-make-license-plates-other-items/536-64abeb45-66e1-4ee9-839f-d51607a0497c

• Camp, J. (2016).Incarcerating the Crisis: Freedom Struggles and the Rise of the Neoliberal State. University of California Press. “Mass incarceration serves as a response to control insurgencies from below, maintaining an unequal economic system.” (p. 48)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “The goal of mass incarceration is to keep marginalized populations under constant surveillance and control.” (p. 232)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “Upon release, Black men often return to the same impoverished neighborhoods from which they came.” (p. 225)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “Incarcerated Black men are often barred from voting, employment, and housing.” (p. 225)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “The system of incarceration punishes Black men for life, even after serving their sentences.” (p. 232)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “Mass incarceration funnels Black men back into the ghettos they came from, deepening segregation and poverty.” (p. 192)

• Massey, D. S., & Denton, N. A. (1993).American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. Harvard University Press. “Housing policies like redlining and restrictive covenants ensured that Black families were segregated into impoverished neighborhoods.” (p. 170)

• Massey, D. S., & Denton, N. A. (1993).American Apartheid. Harvard University Press. “Residential segregation continues today through discriminatory real estate practices and loan denials for Black families.” (p. 170)

• Massey, D. S., & Denton, N. A. (1993).American Apartheid. Harvard University Press. “Segregation has ensured that Black neighborhoods remain underfunded and over-policed, reinforcing the cycle of incarceration and poverty.” (p. 170)

• Ortiz, P. (2018).An African American and Latinx History of the United States. Beacon Press. “70 percent of formerly incarcerated individuals struggle with unemployment due to criminal background checks.” (p. 211)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Poverty fuels crime, which in turn justifies more policing and imprisonment in Black neighborhoods.” (p. 232)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “Black Americans were systematically excluded from wealth-building opportunities through discriminatory housing policies.” (p. 191)

• Massey, D. S., & Denton, N. A. (1993).American Apartheid. Harvard University Press. “Even today, middle-class Black families have fewer housing options compared to their white counterparts.” (p. 170)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Racist housing policies created ghettos where poor education, overcrowding, and lack of opportunities fostered high crime rates.” (p. 83)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Crime is now used as a justification for maintaining ghettos and excluding Black people from mainstream society.” (p. 234)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “Rather than addressing the root causes of crime, policymakers double down on the criminal justice system as the solution.” (p. 191)

• Duneier, M. (2016).Ghetto. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. “Policymakers continue to expand prisons and criminalize Black communities as a response to crime.” (p. 203)

• Camp, J. (2016).Incarcerating the Crisis. University of California Press. “Mass incarceration serves as a replacement for social services that could address the root causes of crime and poverty.” (p. 48)

• Camp, J. (2016).Incarcerating the Crisis. University of California Press. “Government investment in public education, housing, and healthcare has dwindled as incarceration rates soared.” (p. 48)

• Wacquant, L. (2009).Punishing the Poor: The Neoliberal Government of Social Insecurity. Duke University Press. “Mass incarceration is part of a broader 'carceral state,' where policing and imprisonment replace welfare as the primary means of social control.” (p. 15)

• Wacquant, L. (2009).Punishing the Poor. Duke University Press. “Black neighborhoods have become sites of containment, where poverty is managed through policing.” (p. 15)

• Alexander, M. (2010).The New Jim Crow. The New Press. “Children growing up in these neighborhoods face underfunded schools, trauma from violence or incarceration, and stigma.” (p. 191)

• Camp, J. (2016).Incarcerating the Crisis. University of California Press. “These conditions perpetuate the cycle of poverty, crime, and imprisonment for future generations.” (p. 48)

• Wegman, J., Kondkar, M., Duncan, C., & Stockton, A. (2020).Life in Angola Prison, From the Men Who’ve Been Incarcerated for Decades. The New York Times. “They do not face execution, but they have been sentenced to death all the same, their lives spooling out interminably on the cellblock and in the cotton fields, then ending in a prison hospice bed.” https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/01/opinion/louisiana-angola-prison-mass-incarceration.html

• Legal Information Institute. (n.d.).13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution: Abolition of Slavery (1865). Constitution Annotated. “Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States.” https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/amendment-13/

• Pappé, I. (2006).The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications. “Since the beginning of the Intifada in September 2000, over 2,500 children have been arrested. Currently, there are at least 340 Palestinian children being held in Israeli prisons.” (p. 199)

• Pappé, I. (2006).The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications. “The order is to take captive any suspicious Arab of military age, between the ages of 10 and 50.” (p. 199)

• Pappé, I. (2006).The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications. “Male villagers, ranging from children from the age of ten to older men up to the age of fifty, were being held after the Israelis had picked them out in the 'search-and-arrest' operations.” (p. 200)

• Pappé, I. (2006).The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications. “Palestinian children are often subjected to brutal forced labor in camps where they are detained.” (p. 202)

• Pappé, I. (2006).The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications. “Both Black children and Palestinian children grow up under surveillance and policing, treated as threats.” (p. 203)

Section 4

• Bhatia, M., Poynting, S., & Tufail, W. (Eds.). (2018).Media, Crime and Racism. Palgrave Macmillan. “It is arguable that Blacks have been pathologised, demonised, and vilified in the media. Stereotypical depictions of Black masculinity as wanton and stigmatised are held responsible for the social problems that beset them, rather than the everyday state lynching and racist violence that diminishes their sense of self-worth.” (p. 302)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “Though each year, two-thirds of the people arrested for street crimes are White, Blacks continue to represent the public face of street crime.” (p. 135)

• Bhatia, M., Poynting, S., & Tufail, W. (Eds.). (2018).Media, Crime and Racism. Palgrave Macmillan. “Stereotypes often become the distorted dominant viewpoint whether they are accurate or not, and so all forms of new and old media complement what one reads in textbooks at schools, colleges, and universities.” (p. 302)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “Given how crime is labeled, and with society’s focus on street crimes, which are disproportionately committed by Blacks, it is no surprise that people of all races... tend to visualize crime in ‘Blackface.’” (p. 133)

• Bhatia, M., Poynting, S., & Tufail, W. (Eds.). (2018).Media, Crime and Racism. Palgrave Macmillan. “Modern media representations of Blacks as violent and criminal… have contributed to the construction of Blacks, and particularly Black males, as ensconced in a life of crime, poverty, and violence.” (p. 301)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “The general public’s inaccurate picture of the amount of Black crime is partly media driven, since television in particular focuses to a great extent on street crime.” (p. 135)

• Cliff, G., & Wall-Parker, A. (2017).Statistical Analysis of White-Collar Crime. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice. “White-collar criminals siphon off between $300 and $600 billion annually through corporate fraud, embezzlement, and healthcare scams.” (p. 6)

• Cliff, G., & Wall-Parker, A. (2017).Statistical Analysis of White-Collar Crime. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice. “The monetary losses to employees, stockholders, and society as a whole due to white-collar and corporate crime have been estimated to reach hundreds of billions of dollars.” (p. 6)

• Bhatia, M., Poynting, S., & Tufail, W. (Eds.). (2018).Media, Crime and Racism. Palgrave Macmillan. “The media’s stereotypical portrayal of Blacks as criminals is also political, which operates to produce anxiety, moral panic, and antiblack racism.” (p. 302)

• Cliff, G., & Wall-Parker, A. (2017).Statistical Analysis of White-Collar Crime. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice. “With the exception of fraud and embezzlement, arrest data on white-collar offenses is not included in the UCR.” (p. 6)

• Russell-Brown, K. (2021).The Color of Crime(3rd ed.). New York University Press. “White-collar crime affects a far larger portion of society than traditional street crime, yet it is virtually invisible in media narratives.” (p. 138)